<\/a><\/p>\n Our 33rd biennial CCSEAS conference, scheduled for 27-28 October 2017, is approaching. Only recently did I realize that the CCSEAS conference started in 1971. The year 2017 is certainly not 1971 turned around nor is it just another year. It has just started, but it has already made us reflect on and raise questions about knowledge and power. In Canada’s neighbour, the United States, Donald Trump, ordered a travel ban as soon as he became President. In protest, hundreds of Canadian academics joined the world by signing a petition to pledge not to attend conferences held in the U.S. This action raises a larger question of how much influence the academic world has to shape a nation-state’s perspective of the world.<\/p>\n Closer to home, Prime Minister Justin Trudeau has celebrated the fortieth anniversary of Canada’s status as a Dialogue Partner of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) by encouraging “all Canadians to reflect on the tremendous contributions made by Southeast Asian Canadians to our country.” Trudeau also pointed out that the two-way merchandise trade between Canada and ASEAN countries in 2015 alone amounted to over C$21 billion. It is clear that the future of Canada-ASEAN relations is increasingly understood to be the future of Southeast Asian Canadians. This makes us pause and ask how relevant our area studies is today for over one million Southeast Asians living in Canada. Has Canada\u2019s strong economic links to ASEAN been translated into supporting Southeast Asian studies in Canada in order to better understand the links in and through the region’s “local knowledge”?<\/p>\n We seem to be living in a new era, and yet our structure of knowledge still belongs to an earlier time. Area studies as we understand it today were formed under a certain assumption of the world. It was created in order to control knowledge and territoriality of the region “out there.” It has contributed to the definition of a region despite the realities of (to use Edward Said’s term) “overlapping territories and intertwined histories.\u201d This raises a question of how we could rework area studies to acknowledge the intra-Asia or inter-Asia and trans-oceanic dimensions of “people in and out of place.”<\/p>\n Meanwhile in Toronto, just barely a month after the different global affair statements from Washington and Ottawa, the Association for Asian Studies (AAS) held its annual conference. It was very well attended (as usual), which justifies the claim that the conference is the largest gathering of scholars working on Asia and the diaspora. The AAS conference is also undeniably one of the most important venues for scholars working on the region to meet and discuss issues with an Asian studies spirit of comparison and interdisciplinarity. Yet, could holding the AAS conference in Toronto suggest that Canada is a regional affiliate of the AAS?<\/p>\n There was an attempt (in 1968?), perhaps inspired by the AAS, to create CASA (Canadian Asian Studies Association) which was organized around three different councils with each representing East Asia, South Asia and Southeast Asia. For some years CASA organized a series of Asian-wide conferences in Canada. A history to account for such efforts is important and yet to be written (See Rudolphe de Konick, CCSEAS Newsletter, Spring 2013: 14-17). Today, the only Council that has managed to stay active from the CASA umbrella is the Canadian Council for Southeast Asian Studies (CCSEAS), which holds\u00a0 conferences since 1971. The first university that hosted CCSEAS conference was the University of Guelph (See the chart below).<\/p>\n The arrows of time, however, travel through different paths. The AAS, strongly supported by various funding sources, has “professionalized” its organization with a secretariat to organize its annual conferences in superstar hotels in major cities. The CCSEAS conferences, on the other hand, continue to use the university as its venue. It relies largely on voluntary efforts of students, faculty members and staff. A sense of community, self-reliance and mutual support has nevertheless grown, along with the enthusiastic struggle to maintain continuity and participation. Students continue to be at the centre of CCSEAS. Their presence in the conferences is always dominant and serious. Students have also taken on the responsibility of compiling the newsletters and in the process, they shape the scholarship of Southeast Asian studies in Canada. While we value CCSEAS’ self-resilience, especially the dedication of its students, we are disheartened to see how funding sources over the years have moved from limited to unavailable in supporting the operation of CCSEAS and students’ participation in the conference. We hope that the Canadian government will see the importance of cultivating a young generation of Asian studies scholars and provide continuous support for CCSEAS conferences and other related activities.<\/p>\n At this moment, CCSEAS is the only vessel to nurture the Canadian network of Asian studies. It thus seeks to raise profile of Asian scholarship in Canada by including “Inter-Asia” and “Asian-Canadian” studies in its conferences. This newsletter represents such an intention. It features not only works on Southeast Asia, but also reports that are inter-Asia or intra-Asia. It also encourages interests in trans-pacific migrant communities in Canada. Southeast Asia is no longer “out there,” but it is within Canada. We are also encountering a new generation of scholars who are working with (instead of working on) Asia. This year’s CCSEAS conference, which will be held on October 27 and 28 at York University, will continue to represent the trend of Southeast Asian studies, but it also hopes to express the interests of those working in areas beyond the region so that the conference will be more comparative, inter-Asia, and trans-pacific. Considering the age of CCSEAS, we also feel that it is urgent to collect memories of this organization to build an “institutional” history. CCSEAS newsletters will continue to feature “CCSEAS in time” from those who wish to share their experiences as scholars and members of the (trans)national social order within which they are embedded. We believe that their recollections are valuable sources for the new generation of scholars trained in Canada to know where they are coming from.<\/p>\n Finally, on behalf of our current CCSEAS Executive Committee, I want to thank the student team led by Kilim Park (University of British Columbia) and including Irene Poetranto (University of Toronto), Jean-Fran\u00e7ois Rancourt (Universit\u00e9 de Montr\u00e9al), and Nhu Truong (McGill University), for their work on the 2017 CCSEAS Newsletter. Special thanks also goes to Dominique Caouette (CASA’s Acting President) and Melissa Marschke (CCSEAS President, 2013-2015) for their exemplary work for the Association and for their continuing encouragement and support. Finally, I thank the York Centre for Asia Research (YCAR), Alex Felipe for the CCSEAS poster and especially Alicia Filipowich for her great assistance.<\/p>\n <\/a><\/p>\n (Le fran\u00e7ais suit)<\/em><\/p>\n The conference was a great opportunity to discover and hear from a new generation of scholars. This encounter of generations sharing the same passion for the region was a recurring feature over the three days. First, a student workshop brought together a new cohort of graduating and newly graduate students to present their research. Masterfully orchestrated by two post-doctoral fellows, Gabriel Fauveaud and Jean-Fran\u00e7ois Bissonnette, the meeting began with an address by Dr. J\u00e9r\u00e9my Jammes, assistant director at the Research Institute on Contemporary Southeast Asia (IRASEC), followed by two panels consisting of a total of 10 papers. Those revealed how dynamic and promising this new generation of scholars is.<\/p>\n Another testimony of these inter-generational encounters was the two keynote speakers, the late professor Benedict “Ben”\u00a0Anderson and our colleague Saturnino Borras Jr. \u00a0Each offered his own original and incisive views on the region: the former by examining the reasons for the resilience and persistence of monarchies in the region, and the latter by locating and outlining the peculiar dimensions of the global land-grabbing rush in Southeast Asia. Then, during the conference itself, 29 panels and three roundtables that featured over a hundred papers revealed once again how rich and wide-ranging are the questioning and debates that drive Southeast Asian studies. Finally, it is worth remembering the exceptional and vibrant performance of the gamelan Giri Kedaton of the Universit\u00e9 de Montr\u00e9al, under the musical direction of the balinese maestro I Dewa Made Suparta and the artistic direction of our collegues \u00c9ric Vandal and Nino Gabrielli.<\/p>\n As for other CCSEAS biennial meetings, such an event would not have been possible without the support of several organizations: the Centre d\u2019\u00e9tudes et de recherches internationales (CERIUM) at the Universit\u00e9 de Montr\u00e9al, the Ministry of International Relations, the Francophonie and External Trade, the Faculty of Arts and Sciences, the Research Vice-Rectorate, the Carrefour des Arts et des Sciences and the East Asian Studies Centre at the Universit\u00e9 de Montr\u00e9al. This support, and the time and energy invested by a whole plethora of volunteers and assistants were pivotal in ensuring the success of the conference. The CCSEAS adventure moved on to the University of Ottawa in the fall of 2015 and will soon resume at York University in October.<\/p>\n <\/a><\/p>\n Pr\u00e8s de quatre ann\u00e9es se sont \u00e9coul\u00e9s depuis la tenue \u00e0 l’Universit\u00e9 de Montr\u00e9al du colloque biennal du CCEASE, qui eut lieu du 17 au 19 octobre 2013. Cette 31i\u00e8me<\/sup> \u00e9dition avait permis de pr\u00e9senter un vaste tour d\u2019horizon des \u00e9tudes de l\u2019Asie du Sud-Est au Canada, avec une port\u00e9e \u00e9largie par la pr\u00e9sence de coll\u00e8gues et d\u2019\u00e9tudiant(e)s originaires de l\u2019Asie du Sud-Est, des \u00c9tats-Unis et d\u2019Europe.<\/p>\n Ce colloque a aussi \u00e9t\u00e9 l\u2019occasion de d\u00e9couvrir une nouvelle g\u00e9n\u00e9ration de chercheurs et de chercheuses en pleine \u00e9mergence. La rencontre entre diff\u00e9rentes g\u00e9n\u00e9rations de passionn\u00e9(e)s de la r\u00e9gion a \u00e9t\u00e9 pr\u00e9sente tout au long de ces trois jours. Tout d\u2019abord, un pr\u00e9-colloque destin\u00e9 aux \u00e9tudiant(e)s en fin de baccalaur\u00e9at ou en tout d\u00e9but de ma\u00eetrise a rassembl\u00e9 une nouvelle cohorte et lui a permis de pr\u00e9senter ses travaux. Men\u00e9 avec mains de ma\u00eetre par deux chercheurs post-doctorauxs, Gabriel Fauveaud et Jean-Fran\u00e7ois Bissonnette, ce pr\u00e9-colloque s\u2019est ouvert avec la \u00a0conf\u00e9rence du directeur adjoint de l\u2019Institut de recherche sur l\u2019Asie du Sud-Est contemporaine (IRASEC), Dr. J\u00e9r\u00e9my Jammes. Puis, deux panels rassemblant au total dix \u00e9tudiant(e)s ont d\u00e9montr\u00e9 la richesse des recherches et le dynamisme de ces sp\u00e9cialistes en herbe.<\/p>\n Autre facette de ces regards crois\u00e9s et interg\u00e9n\u00e9rationnels, nos deux conf\u00e9renciers invit\u00e9s, le regrett\u00e9 professeur Benedict \u00ab\u00a0Ben\u00a0\u00bb Anderson et notre coll\u00e8gue Saturnino\u00a0M. Borras Jr ont tour \u00e0 tout offert un regard original et incisif sur la r\u00e9gion. Le premier en se questionnant sur les raisons de la persistance et la r\u00e9silience de r\u00e9gimes monarchiques dans la r\u00e9gion, alors qu\u2019ailleurs ceux-ci semblent de plus en plus anachroniques, et le second en s\u2019interrogeant sur les manifestations en Asie du Sud-Est d\u2019un ph\u00e9nom\u00e8ne mondial contemporain, soit les processus d\u2019accaparement massif de terres et des ressources naturelles. Par la suite, 29 panels et trois tables rondes se sont succ\u00e9d\u00e9s avec plus d\u2019une centaine de communications. Celles-ci d\u00e9montraient une fois encore la richesse des questionnements et des d\u00e9bats qui marquent les \u00e9tudes du Sud-est asiatique. Enfin, il importe de rappeler la performance dynamique et originale de l\u2019ensemble de gamelan Giri Kedaton de l\u2019Universit\u00e9 de Montr\u00e9al, sous la direction musicale du maestro balinais I Dewa Made Suparta et la direction artistique de coll\u00e8gues, \u00c9ric Vandal et Nino Gabrielli.<\/p>\n Comme pour les congr\u00e8s ant\u00e9rieurs, un tel \u00e9v\u00e8nement n\u2019aurait \u00e9t\u00e9 possible sans l\u2019appui financier et logistique de plusieurs organisations: le Centre d\u2019\u00e9tudes et de recherches internationales de l\u2019Universit\u00e9 de Montr\u00e9al (C\u00c9RIUM), le Minist\u00e8re des Relations internationales, de la Francophonie et du Commerce ext\u00e9rieur, la Facult\u00e9 des Arts et des Sciences, le Vice-rectorat \u00e0 la recherche, le Carrefour des Arts et des Sciences et le Centre d\u2019\u00e9tudes de l\u2019Asie de l\u2019Est de l\u2019Universit\u00e9 de Montr\u00e9al. Ces appuis ont \u00e9t\u00e9 essentiels \u00e0 la r\u00e9ussite du colloque biennal de 2013. L\u2019aventure allait se poursuivre \u00e0 Ottawa \u00e0 l\u2019automne 2015 et bient\u00f4t \u00e0 l\u2019Universit\u00e9 York en octobre.<\/p>\n <\/a><\/p>\n Growing up in Bogor, West Java, Indonesia. I would wake up in the morning to a familiar holler from the front of my house “Yur! Yur! Sayur Neng<\/em>!!” (Veg! Veg! Vegetables Miss!!) My mother would then go out to greet the Tukang Sayur<\/em> (mobile vegetable vendor) around 6:30am. This is how the conversation would often sound like:<\/p>\n Vendor:<\/strong> What are you planning to cook today? This interaction is probably alien to most supermarket shoppers in the West. The back and forth banter and the fact that the vendors make suggestions on menus and what’s fresh and in season is a common part of daily food provisioning practice in Indonesia. But how are mobile vegetable vendors connected to food waste?<\/p>\n Currently, there is a marked distinction in how the food waste issues are framed in the literature, namely that consumer food waste is largely a problem of the global North while food loss is generally the problem in the global South. In a study conducted by Parfitt et al<\/em> (2010), the authors argue that one of the reasons for a lack of consumer food waste studies in developing countries is the predominance of a “buy today eat today practice.” The question that I ask in my research is “what are the types of food infrastructures that can support and promote a ‘buy today eat today’ practice?”<\/p>\n So what is a “Buy Today Eat Today Practice”? In essence it is a practice of only buying what you need for the day and consuming it all in one day. In contrast, the general (“modern”) shopping practice in North America, entails stocking up groceries once or twice a week. The buy today eat today practice also leads to less storage of food in the refrigerators. As we know from various studies and campaigns to reduce food waste, food storage due to weekly groceries “stocking up” is often an issue. Households often forget foods at the back of the fridge or leave the lettuce to wilt in the crisper. In a household study conducted by Evans in U.K., respondents have been known to purchase new food before they have the opportunity to use up the old food. Here is an example of one such conversation by Evans and Julia (the respondent) about salad greens (2011, 436):<\/p>\n J:<\/strong> If they don\u2019t get used before a new bag comes in they will go. While there is an established area of studies researching consumer behaviour and food waste (Stefan et al., 2012; Evans, 2011; Parizeau et al<\/em>., 2015), and research on infrastructures to manage food waste (see research on food waste bins by Metcalfe et al<\/em>., 2012), there is a lack of study on infrastructures of food provisioning that can support consumers in preventing and reducing household food waste.This is where a comparison of shopping practices at different food provisioning infrastructures is particularly important.<\/p>\n The terminology used in Indonesia for “shopping when you are hungry” is called \u201cLapar Mata<\/em>\u201d (literally \u201cHungry Eyes\u201d or Shopping with your eyes). This is premised on the idea that without sticking to a list, consumers are often tempted to buy more than what they need. Consumers are tempted as Stuart (2009) argue, by an endless array of food as well as deals such as the ubiquitous “buy one get one free” offers. While food waste studies and policies have recognized the role of supermarkets in food waste prevention and reduction, there are a limited number of food infrastructure options in the West. In Indonesia, and many other developing countries, small-scale vendors like Udin prevent the type of shopping of the Lapar Mata<\/em> category. In fact, it is common for households to tailor their menu for the day depending on the seasonal products that Udin will bring.<\/p>\n The role played by small to medium-scale food vendors in preventing overconsumption is important. Firstly, the variety of goods that can be carried by these vendors in their wooden cart or motorcycles are limited. This labour intensive job requires a large labour pool to cover entire swaths of neighbourhoods and increases job opportunities. In addition, because the vendors come everyday with new foods, there is no need to stock up on fresh produce. The mobile vegetable vendors also purchase their foods from the traditional wetmarket, which is generally local and seasonal. Therefore, not only do these small-scale infrastructures help households prevent food waste, it also supports a more localized short distance food economy. In general, shopping from vegetable vendors also leads to eating more fresh and whole foods rather than processed foods. Unlike supermarkets, lack of refrigeration and a small cart\/motorcycle means that vendors do not themselves stock lots of food, and they also do not sell processed foods with the exception of tofu and tempeh (although occasionally meatballs and sausages).<\/p>\n However, Indonesia’s tukang sayur<\/em> may soon be wiped out with the growing numbers of multinational supermarkets and the development of large elite enclave. As one Tukang Sayur<\/em> told me in an interview with regards to price wars:<\/p>\n “If we are talking about comparing my net income before and now, we\u2019re talking about a huge difference. Since Giant* arrived, my net income now is much smaller compared to the past. It\u2019s because of the price difference; the prices at Giant and the prices at the pasar are different. I need to make some profit to feed my family\u2026”<\/p>\n Increasingly, these vendors are also barred from elite housing complexes as the housing enclaves are usually located near major hypermarkets and the vendors are seen as a “nuisance” and competition. As an urban planner focusing on the issue of household food waste, my study will investigate the planners’ role in developing planning policies that will ensure the long term support for these necessary small-scale food infrastructures.<\/p>\n Note: *a multinational hypermarket chain.<\/p>\n Bibliography<\/strong> Parfitt, J, Barthel, M, and Macnaughton, S.( 2010). \u201cFood Waste Within Food Supply Chains: Quantification and Potential for Change to 2050.\u201d Philosophical Transactions of the Royal Society B: Biological Sciences<\/em> 365 (1554): 3065\u201381. doi:10.1098\/rstb.2010.0126.<\/p>\n Stuart, T. (2009). Waste: Uncovering the global food scandal<\/em>. Norton & Company: New York.<\/p>\n Stefan, V., van Herpen, E., Tudoran, AA., & L\u00e4hteenm\u00e4ki, L. (2013) Avoiding food waste by Romanian consumers: the importance of planning and shopping routines. Food Quality and Preference<\/em>, 28:375-381.<\/p>\n Metcalfe, A., Riley, M., Barr, S., Tudor, T., Robinson, G., and Guilbert, S. 2012. Food waste bins: bridging infrastructures and practices, The Sociological Review<\/em>, 60(2): 135-155.<\/p>\n Tammara Soma is a PhD candidate in Food Systems at the University of Toronto.<\/em><\/strong><\/p>\n <\/a><\/p>\n Inscribed on the World Heritage List in 1992, the spectacular Khmer monuments at Angkor Wat have met the UNESCO (United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization) benchmark of possessing Outstanding Universal Value. In 2008, a second World Heritage Site was introduced into the country, the northern site of Preah Vihear. International support to protect and conserve these two Cambodian properties is given to Cambodia through UNESCO and other development agencies.<\/p>\n Most tourists today are aware that Cambodia is one of the poorest countries in Southeast Asia, with a fragile economy wholly dependent upon foreign aid. As a consequence, both public and private spheres of society are affected by the presence of foreign aid agencies. The temples of Angkor receive support for their management, maintenance and conservation from a number of such bodies. The ICC-Angkor 2015 report reveals that, since 1993, more than 36 countries, 12 intergovernmental groups and 38 international teams have contributed millions of dollars to conservation, restoration, research and sustainable development projects.<\/p>\n It is no surprise that Angkorean heritage has become a million dollar industry. However, a concern is that increasingly high foreign and national investment into the Angkor World Heritage Site has come to disregard initial conservation plans for the temples. Indeed, a cycle of state dependency upon tourism for the Angkor sites has developed, placing higher demands for foreign aid to conserve the sites, to develop the tourism sector, to rectify damage to the sites from tourism and to continue excavations of Angkor sites to stimulate future off-the-beaten-track tourism.<\/p>\n Contrasted to the active conservation landscape of Angkor, the border site of Preah Vihear has endured a decade of Thai-Cambodian political conflict, within and around the site, initiated by its UNESCO inscription. In 2014, six years following its inscription, the country successfully delegated a coordinating committee for it\u2019s protection; designated the ICC-Preah Vihear, today this body is co-chaired by China and India. Despite UNESCO funding over 100,000 USD into the site, this second World Heritage site stands within a tense and fragile geopolitical landscape, complicated by transnational investment, natural resource expolitation and the forced displacement of indigenous communities.<\/p>\n Despite the combination of governmental and non-governmental efforts to combat illegal trafficking of Khmer artifacts across the country, the smuggling of antiquities into Thailand is at an all time high. In consideration of the national dimension of the problem, international aid agencies face real challenges in the recommendation of policies to protect Cambodian heritage. Before matters will improve, an analysis of stakeholders must be undertaken. Escalating threats to the security of Angkorean heritage include, but are not limited to: the instability of the subsoil beneath the temples, unregulated draining of the groundwater surrounding Angkor to accommodate tourist hotels, vegetative growth and past damage to the sites from archaeological teams. Another danger is organized looting, which often involves local authories; such immediate these threats to site protection will need to be resolved if Angkor is to be passed on to the next generation.<\/p>\n The management of large archaeological complexes requires specific attention towards upper level bureaucracies, issues of governance, policy and legal frameworks. The interplay between local and global values can be seen in how sites are conserved and presented. In consideration of monumental architecture, the conservation of large Angkorean temples has yet to be standardized, permitting countries from around the world to conduct conservation methods, as they like. With a closer consideration of conservation approaches, Monroe (1998) highlights the obvious for the monuments of Angkor: “Angkor is in grave danger of becoming a Disneyland of different countries’ ideas of what it should look like.” Critics of a “Disneyland Model,” invite new policies to standardize archaeological conservation and research, but also to resist private enterprise developments onto archaeological grounds, which include hotels, casinos and theme parks constructed to foster tourism.<\/p>\n Cambodia continues to function as a reserve in which identities and careers are defined for academics and development groups from around the world. In consideration of archaeologists alone, today they come from countries as widespread as France, Japan, Italy, the USA, Belgium, India, Indonesia, New Zealand, Australia, Canada, Germany, Hungary, Korea, China, Laos, Czech Republic and Russia to work in the excavation and conservation of Khmer archaeological sites. Their research activity is authorized and managed under a complex hierarchy of institutions, which serve universities, nation-states and private investors from around the world. From their construction in the twelfth century, the monolithic temples of Angkor were incorporated into Khmer social and political life. Today the image of Angkor is Cambodia’s national icon; the three towers of Angkor Wat are centered on the country’s flag and imprinted on national currency. The revered Angkor complex has been conflated with the definition of Cambodian identity, and is representative of the country’s continued autonomy from historical pressures of Vietnamese and Thai invasion. With dozens of foreign teams working in the country, is the value and meaning of these sites presented in accordance with how Cambodians view their sacred sites?<\/p>\n With adherence to the mandate and articles presented in the 1972 World Heritage Convention, my work analyzes the extent to which Article 5(e), a policy established to foster national capacity building, has been satisfied in the country of Cambodia. This important research will contribute to a better understanding of the effectiveness of international capacity-building strategies and may contribute to a growing literature in critical heritage studies on indigenous access to heritage.<\/p>\n Sarah Youngblutt is a PhD Candidate in Asian Studies at Leiden University.<\/em><\/strong><\/p>\n <\/a><\/p>\n It’s hot in Singapore.<\/p>\n There’s always a whole slew of changes I notice every time I come back to the city-state. Additional train stations, whole new highways, condominiums where you’d never imagine there could be, modern glass buildings popping up seemingly overnight in once drab concrete neighbourhoods. And of course it wouldn’t be Singapore if there wasn\u2019t a new law or two introduced every year to spoil the fun. For example, at the time of this visit, public drinking past 10:30pm had just been banned and the legal age for smoking was about to be raised to 21.<\/p>\n One thing about Singapore that never changes, however, is that it’s hot, and humid. A common experience shared by many a returning Singaporean is the feeling of the punch of that first gust of thick, hot air which greets you instantly as the sliding doors of the famed Changi airport open to its oppressively dark and stuffy taxi bay. Leaving behind the cool, air-conditioned airport and the presumably reasonable temperate weather of the country you travelled from, you are swiftly given a wake-up call as to where you have returned and what to expect. Welcome back to Singapore. Please note the heavy penalties for drug trafficking, but probably of more relevance to you, please remember that it\u2019s hot here. Why are you still wearing that jacket? Don\u2019t step leh<\/em> (Singlish for “Don’t pretend to be something or someone you are not”).<\/p>\n I’m in Singapore to conduct interviews with government officials, members of NGOs, and private business actors for my Master’s thesis which explores the city-state’s migration policies and the issues surrounding the treatment of labour migrants to the country. I’m also in Singapore to attend the wedding of my best friend, Shafiq, and so my month-long trip is a relatively bizarre mix of travelling to interviews, transcribing interviews, and running errands with Shafiq and his family for the wedding. While on one of these errands, we decide to take a taxi and Shafiq’s elderly mother asks me about life in Canada, and how it feels to be back in Singapore. A lot has changed, I say, and I give a vague answer on how things feel different from how I remember the country since I left it six years ago.<\/p>\n “Ya, that’s why, a lot has changed you know. Just look at the number of shopping centres everywhere now,” Shafiq’s mother replied in fluid Malay-accented, Singaporean English.<\/p>\n “See lah now every MRT station got shopping centre. Even Bedok now got many shopping centres also, last time need to go to Tampines you know. I also dunno who shopping at all these places and why we need so many of them.”<\/p>\n “Aiyah, government wanna do what just let them do lah, Mak,” came Shafiq’s dismissive, and in many ways, typically Singaporean interjection.<\/p>\n Shafiq’s mother was right though. Shopping centres or malls are by no means new to Singapore, and a walk down shopping centre-filled Orchard Road, as any tourist to the country would be obliged to do, would clearly show this. But while the international brand names and globally ubiquitous food outlets were once only found in central parts of Singapore, or in the outer “satellite” neighbourhoods of Tampines or Pasir Ris, now it seems every neighbourhood in Singapore has a Mass Rapid Train (MRT) train station, a bus interchange, and a shopping mall.<\/p>\n Take Bedok, where Shafiq and his family live, for example. Until three or four years ago, Bedok was a typical Singaporean neighbourhood as imagined by the country’s 1980s-era city planners. Comprised largely of matured public housing estates, Bedok’s amenities were almost as functional as the appearance of its concrete, ice-cream coloured, spartanly-designed public housing blocks. Apart from the local wet market, supermarket, and the collection of local shops to buy miscellaneous necessities, there was also the food centre (or hawker centre) near the bus interchange, a number of small locally-run eating establishments, and one, maybe, two McDonald\u2019s branches.<\/p>\n Walking through Bedok\u2019s shopping mall, however, immediately smashes any preconceptions about the Spartan-ness of this neighbourhood. Residents in Bedok are now able to shop from a variety of clothing stores, chain retail shops, and most significantly, an increased number of Western food outlets and retail stores. There is now a Chili’s restaurant in Bedok! I struggle to even remember whether I have seen a Chili’s in Montreal. And yet, the most remarkable aspect of Bedok’s mall is how bustling and crowded it is at lunch on a weekday. This is by no means your typical suburban North American strip mall, spread out and sparsely peopled. This is commerce and food, densely packed in six floors and filled with cackling students just let off after school, hurried workers on lunch break, elderly residents taking in the sights of the mall and all sorts of unclassifiable individuals who are at the very least free-riding on the mall’ s air-conditioning.<\/p>\n When my thoughts were not dominated by my thesis research questions on migration policies and politics, I found myself wondering how this sudden appearance of shopping centres took place. Does Bedok need a shopping centre? Why did the government decide to build these shopping centres across a number of neighbourhoods seemingly all at once? Is this rapid commercialization and penetration of foreign food and retail chains harmful for local neighbourhoods in the long run? Is the Chili’s at Bedok Mall any good?<\/p>\n As I’m leaving Singapore, I share my observations and thoughts with my friends as they come to say goodbye at the airport. A friend quickly points out that there are plans to build three new buildings at Changi Airport, of which two are new terminals, and one a shopping centre. As I pile my luggage onto a cart and walk into the airport, a burst of cool air hits my face from the terminal’s air-conditioned, immaculate interior.<\/p>\n Maybe that’s why Bedok needs a shopping centre.<\/p>\n It’s hot in Singapore.<\/p>\n Zachariah Su is a Master’s student at McGill University.<\/em><\/strong><\/p>\n <\/a><\/p>\n Marquant le virage vers la modernit\u00e9 urbaine promue par l’\u00c9tat, on voit appara\u00eetre au Vietnam depuis quelques d\u00e9cennies un nombre croissant de formes b\u00e2ties verticales, de gigantesques infrastructures routi\u00e8res et de grands complexes commerciaux. Ils surgissent en plein c\u0153ur de la ville, en bordure d\u2019un village traditionnel ou m\u00eame au beau milieu de terres agricoles. Dans la foul\u00e9e de cette urbanisation rapide, l\u2019habitat vietnamien conna\u00eet d\u2019importantes mutations. Plus particuli\u00e8rement, les nouveaux habitats qui se d\u00e9veloppent en hauteur appellent de nouvelles mani\u00e8res d\u2019encadrer l’urbanit\u00e9 et de gouverner l’urbain.<\/p>\n Dans ce contexte, le mode gestion des immeubles dans les grandes villes vietnamiennes a fait l\u2019objet d\u2019exp\u00e9riences et d\u2019innovations au cours des derni\u00e8res ann\u00e9es, se traduisant notamment par l\u2019\u00e9mergence d\u2019un mod\u00e8le endog\u00e8ne de gestion coop\u00e9rative d\u2019habitations. En d\u00e9veloppement depuis 10 ans \u00e0 peine, ce mod\u00e8le est n\u00e9 de l\u2019initiative d\u2019un groupe de citoyens relocalis\u00e9s dans un immeuble d\u2019habitations \u00e0 Hano\u00ef. Malgr\u00e9 son caract\u00e8re innovant, il demeure peu connu des chercheurs, m\u00eame \u00e0 Hano\u00ef. S\u2019appuyant sur les donn\u00e9es tir\u00e9es d\u2019entrevues semi-dirig\u00e9es men\u00e9es avec 27 acteurs concern\u00e9s par ce mod\u00e8le de gestion, cette recherche visait donc \u00e0 retracer l\u2019historique de ce ph\u00e9nom\u00e8ne et \u00e0 comprendre sa forme actuelle afin d\u2019en tirer des apprentissages pouvant contribuer \u00e0 am\u00e9liorer la gestion de l\u2019habitat au Vietnam.<\/p>\n L\u2019\u00e9mergence du mod\u00e8le de gestion coop\u00e9rative au Vietnam remonte \u00e0 2006. Tout d\u00e9bute dans l\u2019immeuble 17T-10, une tour d\u2019habitations construite pour relocaliser les r\u00e9sidents du secteur Ng\u00e3 T\u01b0 S\u1edf, au sud-ouest d\u2019Hano\u00ef, \u00e9vacu\u00e9 pour accueillir un \u00e9largissement de route et un nouveau pont.<\/p>\n Des probl\u00e8mes singuli\u00e8rement importants font rapidement leur apparition avec l\u2019agence \u00e9tatique g\u00e9rant l\u2019immeuble 17T-10 : absence de salle communautaire pour les activit\u00e9s sociales des r\u00e9sidents, ascenseurs constamment bris\u00e9s et inutilisables, coupures fr\u00e9quentes en eau et \u00e9lectricit\u00e9, frais de gestion en constante augmentation, etc. Issu d\u2019une communaut\u00e9 tr\u00e8s unie, les citoyens relocalis\u00e9s s\u2019organisent et entreprennent de se r\u00e9approprier les espaces communs de l\u2019immeuble, de g\u00e9rer diff\u00e9remment l\u2019approvisionnement des services et de mettre sur pied la r\u00e9organisation \u00e9conomique de l\u2019immeuble de mani\u00e8re \u00e0 en faire b\u00e9n\u00e9ficier ses habitants. Ils forment un comit\u00e9 d\u2019autogestion sous le leadership d\u2019un r\u00e9sident disposant de connexions et de connaissances essentielles pour faire avancer leur cause. Le gouvernement vietnamien tente de bloquer leur initiative, mais le comit\u00e9 trouve appui et protection politique aupr\u00e8s de la Su\u00e8de, qui subventionne \u00e0 l\u2019\u00e9poque de nombreux programmes \u00e0 l\u2019international.<\/p>\n Dans les mois qui suivent, la lutte des r\u00e9sidents du 17T-10 pour parvenir \u00e0 l\u2019autogestion s\u2019intensifie, sans toutefois jamais faire usage de m\u00e9thodes ill\u00e9gales (par exemple des manifestations non autoris\u00e9es ou des actes de violence). En 2008, le comit\u00e9 s\u2019enregistre finalement comme une v\u00e9ritable entreprise de gestion sous l\u2019appellation \u00ab H\u1ee3p t\u00e1c x\u00e3 Nh\u00e0 \u1edf Th\u1ee5y \u0110i\u1ec3n \u00bb, que l\u2019on peut approximativement traduire par \u00ab Coop\u00e9rative d\u2019habitation su\u00e9doise \u00bb (CHS).<\/p>\n La CHS s\u2019investit d\u2019une mission sociale, politique et \u00e9conomique qui va bien au-del\u00e0 de la gestion des services d\u2019entretien pour laquelle elle a initialement \u00e9t\u00e9 form\u00e9e et modifie consid\u00e9rablement les conditions de vie des r\u00e9sidents. Par la r\u00e9appropriation des espaces communs et r\u00e9siduels de l\u2019immeuble, la CHS adapte l\u2019habitat aux besoins sociaux et \u00e9conomiques de sa population, g\u00e9n\u00e9rant pour les r\u00e9sidents des opportunit\u00e9s d\u2019emploi, des services de proximit\u00e9 et des lieux de rencontre communautaires. La r\u00e9insertion des r\u00e9sidents dans leur nouveau milieu en est facilit\u00e9e et une configuration mieux adapt\u00e9e se d\u00e9veloppe pour de nouveaux immeubles r\u00e9sidentiels. Par l\u2019autogestion, la CHS optimise ses ressources humaines et financi\u00e8res pour offrir de meilleurs services \u00e0 moindre co\u00fbt, en redistribuant de surcro\u00eet tous les surplus g\u00e9n\u00e9r\u00e9s parmi ses membres. Les conditions de vie des r\u00e9sidents s\u2019en trouvent am\u00e9lior\u00e9es. Par l\u2019adoption de m\u00e9canismes transparents et d\u00e9mocratiques, la CHS accorde aux r\u00e9sidents un pouvoir de d\u00e9cision sur leur environnement et les implique directement dans la gouvernance de l\u2019immeuble.<\/p>\n Le projet se voit reconnu \u00e0 l\u2019international par l\u2019octroi d\u2019un prix de la Banque mondiale en 2011. L\u2019initiative d\u2019autogestion de la CHS suscite alors l\u2019int\u00e9r\u00eat des autorit\u00e9s politiques vietnamiennes, qui sollicitent m\u00eame l\u2019aide du comit\u00e9 pour r\u00e9former la Loi sur le logement en 2014.<\/p>\n La reconnaissance internationale et nationale dont la CHS b\u00e9n\u00e9ficie \u00e0 compter de 2011 permet ainsi sa formalisation et la diffusion de son mod\u00e8le de gestion non seulement aupr\u00e8s des \u00e9lites politiques, mais aussi aupr\u00e8s du reste de la population vietnamienne. Voyant l\u2019impact positif de l\u2019autogestion sur la communaut\u00e9 du 17T-10, des r\u00e9sidents d\u2019autres immeubles sollicitent l\u2019aide de la CHS pour reproduire leur mod\u00e8le de gestion. Aujourd\u2019hui, une centaine d\u2019immeubles de typologies et de client\u00e8les vari\u00e9es sont g\u00e9r\u00e9s de mani\u00e8re coop\u00e9rative par la CHS \u00e0 Hano\u00ef. L\u2019initiative d\u2019un petit groupe de r\u00e9sidents s\u2019est ainsi transform\u00e9e en une v\u00e9ritable entreprise sociale \u0153uvrant \u00e0 l\u2019\u00e9chelle de la ville.<\/p>\n L\u2019application du mod\u00e8le de gestion coop\u00e9rative dans d\u2019autres immeubles \u00e0 Hano\u00ef semble respecter la mission fondatrice de la CHS. De nouvelles m\u00e9thodes d\u2019autofinancement et des exemples int\u00e9ressants de r\u00e9am\u00e9nagement de l\u2019espace sont observ\u00e9s dans certains immeubles. Toutefois, des nuances apparaissent sur le plan des efforts des gestionnaires pour stimuler la participation des r\u00e9sidents aux rencontres et aux prises de d\u00e9cisions, pour g\u00e9n\u00e9rer des opportunit\u00e9s d\u2019emplois \u00e0 m\u00eame l\u2019immeuble, et pour cr\u00e9er des initiatives d\u2019autofinancement de mani\u00e8re \u00e0 r\u00e9duire consid\u00e9rablement les frais de service charg\u00e9s aux r\u00e9sidents.<\/p>\n Au final, l\u2019exp\u00e9rience d\u2019autogestion de l\u2019immeuble 17T-10 exprime la r\u00e9silience, la pers\u00e9v\u00e9rance, la volont\u00e9 d\u2019autod\u00e9termination et le pouvoir d\u2019autonomisation d\u2019une population. N\u00e9anmoins, la diffusion de cette exp\u00e9rience dans des habitats et des contextes diff\u00e9rents fait ressortir les d\u00e9fis que pose la formalisation d\u2019une m\u00e9thode de gestion bas\u00e9e sur la connaissance des besoins de la communaut\u00e9 qu\u2019elle tente de servir, et la volont\u00e9 de cette derni\u00e8re de contribuer au projet d\u2019autogestion. Cela dit, le potentiel du mod\u00e8le de gestion coop\u00e9rative d\u2019habitations est consid\u00e9rable pour un pays en pleine transformation tel que le Vietnam, et il m\u00e9rite que les professionnels et chercheurs de l\u2019am\u00e9nagement, mais aussi ceux du domaine politique, \u00e9conomique et social, s\u2019y int\u00e9ressent plus s\u00e9rieusement.<\/p>\n (Tous les photos par\u00a0Val\u00e9rie Fortin)<\/p>\n Val\u00e9rie Fortin est candidate \u00e0 la ma\u00eetrise en urbanisme \u00e0 l\u2019Universit\u00e9 de Montr\u00e9al.<\/em><\/strong><\/p>\n <\/a><\/p>\n Fond\u00e9e en 2014 \u00e0 Hanoi, inspir\u00e9e par une activiste am\u00e9ricaine, l\u2019organisation non gouvernementale vietnamienne Think Playgrounds s\u2019est engag\u00e9e \u00e0 construire des terrains de jeu pour les enfants du Vietnam selon une approche d\u2019urbanisme Do It Yourself. Construits \u00e0 partir de ressources financi\u00e8res et humaines tr\u00e8s limit\u00e9es, ces terrains de jeu sont faits de mat\u00e9riaux recycl\u00e9s et assembl\u00e9s principalement par des b\u00e9n\u00e9voles. \u00c0 ce jour, Think Playgrounds a construit pr\u00e8s de cinquante terrains de jeu au Vietnam, dont trente-trois dans la capitale. Ce cas d\u2019\u00e9tude s\u2019est construit autour de dix entretiens semi-dirig\u00e9s men\u00e9s \u00e0 l\u2019\u00e9t\u00e9 2016. Les r\u00e9pondants sont des fondateurs de l\u2019organisation, des membres de la soci\u00e9t\u00e9 civile collaborant avec Think Playgrounds et des employ\u00e9s de l\u2019administration municipale. Par une m\u00e9thode inductive, le caract\u00e8re unique et nouveau de l\u2019urbanisme DIY dans le paysage des politiques urbaines du Vietnam fut mis \u00e0 jour.<\/p>\n Les entretiens et la litt\u00e9rature ont r\u00e9v\u00e9l\u00e9 qu\u2019\u00e0 Hanoi, l\u2019urbanisme DIY fait le lien entre deux zones d\u2019interactions politiques bien \u00e9tablies, aux caract\u00e9ristiques sociales connues et document\u00e9es, mais n\u2019entretenant habituellement pas de lien. D\u2019une part, les zones de n\u00e9gociations coutumi\u00e8res permettent de l\u00e9g\u00e8res transgressions l\u00e9gales. Elles sont ces moments d\u2019appropriation quotidienne de l\u2019espace. Cette zone comprend les relations entre les groupes de r\u00e9sidents, le leader de communaut\u00e9 qu\u2019ils choisissent et l\u2019administration du quartier dans lequel ils r\u00e9sident. Ce niveau de gouvernement observe r\u00e9guli\u00e8rement des pratiques informelles dans l\u2019espace public, ce qui m\u00e8ne \u00e0 une tol\u00e9rance d\u2019usages alternatifs. Ces usages demeurent toutefois mobiles et sont facilement supprim\u00e9s (Koh, 2006; Kurf\u00fcst, 2011). Les d\u00e9cisions politiques d\u2019am\u00e9nagement, d\u2019autre part, se prennent \u00e0 des niveaux plus \u00e9lev\u00e9s des gouvernements urbains. Ce sont ces paliers qui peuvent concr\u00e8tement transformer l\u2019environnement urbain. Cette zone de commande et contr\u00f4le tol\u00e8re les organisations de la soci\u00e9t\u00e9 civile fournissant des services sociaux, du moment qu\u2019elles respectent le cadre politique qu\u2019impose l\u2019\u00c9tat-parti (Kurf\u00fcst, 2011). La m\u00e9thode de faire la ville selon Think Playgrounds am\u00e8ne des pratiques informelles des citoyens de la zone de n\u00e9gociations quotidiennes dans le milieu organisationnel de la zone de commande et contr\u00f4le. Ainsi, un nouveau moment de l\u2019urbanit\u00e9 \u00e0 Hanoi \u00e9merge qui a le potentiel de contribuer \u00e0 d\u00e9finir la ville selon une perspective tr\u00e8s communautaire tout en ayant une relation directe avec les d\u00e9cideurs politiques.<\/p>\n Le discours du droit de jouer fut essentiel \u00e0 cette prise de position et \u00e0 la croissance de Think Playgrounds. Il permit la multiplication des projets dans l\u2019espace public et \u00e0 la cr\u00e9ation d\u2019un r\u00e9seau avec la soci\u00e9t\u00e9 civile et l\u2019administration municipale. La revendication du droit de jouer peut s\u2019appuyer sur une Convention des Nations Unies et sur une litt\u00e9rature qui reconna\u00eet une valeur essentielle au jeu, le qualifiant m\u00eame de travail des enfants (Bond et Peck, 1993 : 733). Il s\u2019agit alors non pas d\u2019un passe-temps, mais bien d\u2019une activit\u00e9 productive en soi qui n\u00e9cessite des investissements de la part des adultes afin de la rendre possible (Ridgers et al., 2007). William Arnold Corsaro (1998: 378-380) explique que la socialisation des enfants hors du contexte de la famille nucl\u00e9aire passe fondamentalement par le jeu. Malone argumente en faveur de \u00ab child-friendly cities [\u2026] places where children and youth can socialise, observe and learn about how society functions and how they can contribute to the cultural fabric of their community \u00bb (Malone, 2001: 11).<\/p>\n C\u2019est dans cette perspective d\u2019inclusivit\u00e9 et de d\u00e9veloppement personnel et social que les projets de Think Playgrounds viennent s\u2019inscrire. V\u00e9ritablement, l\u2019acceptation politique de ce discours permet d\u2019avancer les id\u00e9es plus subversives de l\u2019organisation. Les projets mettent en lumi\u00e8re, de fa\u00e7on implicite et indirecte mais n\u00e9anmoins consciente, l\u2019inefficacit\u00e9 et la distance de l\u2019am\u00e9nagement formel face aux r\u00e9alit\u00e9s contemporaines de la ville et de ses citoyens. Les projets men\u00e9s par Think Playground prouvent, l\u2019un apr\u00e8s l\u2019autre, que de nombreux projets municipaux ont ignor\u00e9 ou \u00e9cart\u00e9 les communaut\u00e9s de r\u00e9ception et qu\u2019il faut ramener les exp\u00e9riences de celles-ci au c\u0153ur de la planification. Les fondateurs de l\u2019organisation sont tout \u00e0 fait conscients de cet effet.<\/p>\n Au bout de trois ans de croissance constante de l\u2019organisation, le r\u00e9seau des parties prenantes est d\u00e9sormais complexe et vaste. Ce qui devient \u00e9vident est l\u2019emprise que tous ces \u00e9l\u00e9ments ont dans la politique urbaine. Tous les acteurs ne sont pas des d\u00e9cideurs politiques, mais ils ont tous une influence plus ou moins grande sur leur environnement. Ce r\u00e9seau t\u00e9moigne aussi du caract\u00e8re incontournable de Think Playgrounds. Cette pr\u00e9sence, pour quiconque s\u2019int\u00e9resse \u00e0 l\u2019am\u00e9nagement \u00e0 Hanoi, en fait une organisation de r\u00e9f\u00e9rence. Ce r\u00e9seau sera s\u00fbrement amen\u00e9 \u00e0 cro\u00eetre et \u00e0 se diversifier davantage avec la transition vers l\u2019entreprise sociale et le d\u00e9veloppement d\u2019une expertise plus large de design urbain.<\/p>\n Le caract\u00e8re subversif de Think Playgrounds r\u00e9side v\u00e9ritablement au sein de sa structure organisationnelle. Au travers du d\u00e9veloppement de l\u2019organisation et de la r\u00e9alisation des projets, les fondateurs et les membres permanents ont form\u00e9 des jeunes \u00e0 penser diff\u00e9remment aux enjeux urbains, avec plus d\u2019audace et de clairvoyance. Ils leur ont fourni des outils pour tenter de les r\u00e9soudre par eux-m\u00eames, sans attendre la solution de l\u2019administration municipale. les nombreux b\u00e9n\u00e9voles apprennent \u00e0 g\u00e9rer un projet viable et \u00e0 implanter des id\u00e9es innovantes au sein du contexte politique existant : \u00ab We try to inspire the volunteers to follow us, to build playgrounds. [W]e give them more experience to change the city life \u00bb (R1). Ces changements de fond, o\u00f9 des r\u00e9flexes sociaux se transforment, sont peut-\u00eatre la promesse d\u2019un renouveau dans l\u2019am\u00e9nagement et la qualit\u00e9 de vie des villes du Vietnam.<\/p>\n En bref, par la construction de terrains de jeu, le manque d\u2019attention des planificateurs de Hanoi est mis en lumi\u00e8re et l\u2019analyse du citoyen est valid\u00e9e. Par une m\u00e9thode jusqu\u2019alors absente dans la capitale, Think Playgrounds fait le pont entre la n\u00e9gociation coutumi\u00e8re et la d\u00e9cision politique. Ainsi s\u2019ouvre un canal de communication bilat\u00e9ral auparavant inexistant. Dans les mots d\u2019un architecte local: \u00ab Bottom up, it is the most important \u00bb (R6). Dans ce cas-ci, la base s\u2019organise, agit et publicise ses actions, en \u00e9tant alerte de la port\u00e9e politique de ses gestes. Ce cas d\u2019\u00e9tude a permis de d\u00e9couvrir cette place particuli\u00e8re qu\u2019occupe Think Playgrounds comme figure de proue de l\u2019urbanisme DIY \u00e0 Hanoi, et au Vietnam.<\/p>\n Cette forme d\u2019urbanisme est un mouvement international certes, mais elle demande une adaptation particuli\u00e8rement clairvoyante dans un syst\u00e8me non-d\u00e9mocratique. L\u2019attention port\u00e9e au discours, la cr\u00e9ation patiente de relations personnelles au sein des structures gouvernementales, la pr\u00e9sence active sur les r\u00e9seaux sociaux ou l\u2019inclusion d\u2019\u00e9tudiants b\u00e9n\u00e9voles sont autant de tactiques qui permettent de naviguer un contexte aux contraintes fortes. Ce succ\u00e8s de l\u2019organisation laisse maintenant esp\u00e9rer que la formule sera reprise, qu\u2019elle permettra d\u2019ouvrir une discussion publique et franche sur d\u2019autres enjeux urbains.<\/p>\n Bibliographie<\/strong> Corsaro, W.A. (1998). Play and Games in the Peer Cultures of Preschool and Preadolescent Children An Interpretative Approach. Childhood<\/em>. 377-402 DOI: 10.1177\/0907568298005004003.<\/p>\n Finn, D. (2014) DIY urbanism: implications for cities. Journal of Urbanism: International Research on Placemaking and Urban Sustainability<\/em>. 7(4) 381-398<\/p>\n Geertman, S. Labb\u00e9, D. Boudreau, J.-A. and Olivier Jacques (2016). Youth-Driven Tactics of Public Space Appropriation in Hanoi: The Case of Skateboarding and Parkour. Pacific Affairs<\/em>. 89(3) 591-611.<\/p>\n Iveson, K. (2013). Cities within the City: Do-It-Yourself Urbanism and the Right to the City. International Journal of Urban and Regional Research<\/em>. 37(3) 941-56. DOI:10.1111\/1468-2427.12053.<\/p>\n Jutras, S. (2003). Allez jouer dehors! Contributions de l\u2019environnement urbain au d\u00e9veloppement et au bien-\u00eatre des enfants. Canadian Psychology\/Psychologie canadienne<\/em>. 44(3) 257-266.<\/p>\n Koh, D.W.H. (2006). Wards of Hanoi.<\/em> Institute of South East Asian Studies : Singapore. 316p.<\/p>\n Kurf\u00fcst, S. (2011). Redefining Public Space in Hanoi: Places, Practices and Meaning. Dissertation for attaining a doctorate in Southeast Asian Studies – submitted to the Faculty of Arts and Humanities University of Passau. 184p.<\/p>\n Mould, O. (2014). Tactical Urbanism: The New Vernacular of the Creative City. Geography Compass<\/em> 8(8) 529\u2013539, DOI 10.1111\/gec3.12146<\/p>\n Jules Laurent-Allard est\u00a0\u00e9tudiant au programme de ma\u00eetrise en urbanisme de l’Universit\u00e9 de Montr\u00e9al.<\/strong><\/em><\/p>\n <\/a><\/p>\n At the recent AAS (Association for\u00a0Asian Studies) conference in Toronto, a group of Southeast Asianists gathered to discuss how research is conducted and used at the interface of activism and academia. The event was supported by the Southeast Asia Council of AAS, and was organized by the York Centre for Asian Research (YCAR) at York University.<\/p>\n Southeast Asia presents a diverse set of political and institutional contexts in which research is done, and varying ways in which academics become involved in activist work that seeks to further political rights, social justice and environmental protection. The purpose of the workshop was to explore this diversity across the region, and to ask critical questions about the interface between the distinct but overlapping roles of academic researcher and political activist.<\/p>\n Presenters with experience across the region attended the workshop. Laura Schoenberger (York) recounted how field experience in Cambodia revealed the impossibility of maintaining a distinction between the categories of researcher and activist, while Cheran Rudhramoorthy (Windsor) described a project in Myanmar and Aceh that explicitly developed a notion of praxis in developing post-conflict governance structures. In Thailand, Peter Vandergeest (York) discussed work with Melissa Marschke and Olivia Tran (Ottawa) that problematized the “slavery” narrative used by activist organizations in relation the fishery sector, while Austin Silvan (York) described his time with student activists in Bangkok.<\/p>\n The issue of academic and activist narrative in conflict also arose in the Philippines through Alex Felipe’s (York) work on small scale mining in Mindanao. Several presenters described the personal commitments, relationships and risks associated with their activist work, including Arianto Sangadji (York) in Indonesia, Chaya Go (York) in the Philippines, and Johan Saravanamuttu (NTU, Singapore) and Maznah Mohamad (NUS, Singapore) in Malaysia. In Vietnam, Jason Morris-Jung (SIM, Singapore) and Nga Dao (York) both examined the role of academic experts in mobilizing changes in public attitudes and government policy, while Elisabeth Kramer (Sydney, Australia) explored similar themes in relation to academic involvement in Indonesia’s anti-death penalty alliance.<\/p>\n The sessions at the workshop were chaired by Dominique Caouette (Montr\u00e9al), Philip Kelly (York) and Ethel Tungohan (York). Other contributors to the discussion included Lynne Milgram (OCADU) and York graduate students Chris Chanco, Sheila Htoo and Conely de Leon.<\/p>\n Several key themes emerged across many of the papers. First, the ways in which the societal position and role of experts, intellectuals and academics is configured is distinctive across different national settings, given varied political and institutional circumstances. In some cases the categories of academic and activist are hard to differentiate. Second, negotiating a role that encompasses academic research and activist engagement is an embodied process. Positionalities matter a great deal, and the process of engagements is driven by relationships, reciprocities and responsibilities arising in field-based research. For some, the process of engagement can be deeply personal and can also involve risks to safety and career advancement. Finally, many tensions exist in navigating these two spheres – between academic “accuracy” and activist “narratives” and between different agendas and audiences.<\/p>\n Proceedings from the workshop will, we hope, appear in a forthcoming issue of Critical Asian Studies.<\/p>\n Dr. Phillip Kelly is the Director of York Centre for Asian Research and Professor in the Department of Geography at York University.<\/em><\/strong><\/p>\n <\/a><\/p>\n As China has developed its economy and its navy, it has moved to occupy islands, reefs, rocks and underwater formations in the South China Sea (hereafter “The Sea”), and in 2013-2015 built up seven large artificial islands.<\/p>\n China’s rhetoric has been that these are its sacred core territories and their ownership is “indisputable,” even though as late as the 1940s they were still relying on European maps and had no idea if a claimed place was an island, a rock or a reef. The infamous “nine-dash line” is kept purposely vague and indefinite and has no legal value whatsoever, but Chinese sovereignty is claimed to be absolute.<\/p>\n Now China has claimed roughly 85-90 per cent of The Sea, regardless of other countries’ 200-nautical-mile Exclusive Economic Zones. China’s ambitions are much larger than The Sea, but it needs this maritime area on its coast to begin. In this struggle, mainly against the US, ASEAN is simply collateral damage.<\/p>\n Let’s begin with a contrasting set of maps showing the outline of ASEAN as it was before the year 2015 (Fig. 1), and what it looks like now (Fig. 2).<\/p>\n China has an aversion to international organizations, as most are heavily influenced by the US. The system of world organization it favours appears to be a feudal world where big countries have rights over small ones. They did sign the DoC, “Declaration on Conduct of Parties in The South China Sea” which includes recourse to the Tribunal of UNCLOS, the UN Convention on the Law of the Sea. However this non-binding MOU has never been ratified although ASEAN has expended 15 years on revisions, drafts, guidelines and other compromises. Thus it is clear that China has had no intention of signing a binding CoC (“Code of Conduct”) document. Currently ASEAN and China are discussing a CoC “framework” (Xinhua). If they ratify it, it will legitimize the Chinese expansion and for ASEAN perhaps save face.<\/p>\n Over half the world\u2019s oil and gas tonnage passes through The Sea, including China’s own oil imports. But once China secures control of the Sea, other states will be liable to blockade whenever China is “displeased.” China has a clear track record of using established trade agreements to create political pressure (Hayton 2012; Vanderklippe).<\/p>\n The result is that ASEAN reverts to its original situation in the 1960s, dealing with overbearing external powers who will never fully respect them unless they act as a single region, with one voice.<\/p>\n Arase (2015) argues that the fierce Chinese rejection of ASEAN and international arbitration, plus the insistence on bilateral “negotiations” are aimed at joint management agreements, which China can then cite as evidence that the ASEAN claimant has given up its legal rights in the disputed areas.<\/p>\n Chinese claims are absolute, insistent, and relentless, designed to wear down resistance. The Philippines’ chief negotiator with China notes that “negotiations” always begin with China’s assertion that its claim is “indisputable” (Bensurto).<\/p>\n There is also evidence that China induced Cambodia to prevent the traditional Final Communique at the 2012 ASEAN Foreign Minister’s Meeting in Phnom Penh. Such a failure was unprecedented in ASEAN. Cambodia was the rotating chair and passed proposed wording to the Chinese, who refused it (Thayer, p.6, 7).<\/p>\n Citing ASEAN’s own much-abused maxim of “non-interference in the internal matters of member states,” China will not tolerate ASEAN full meetings dealing with The Sea. Since China has declared that ASEAN has no role in The Sea dispute, the only option for claimants is “negotiation” with the indisputable.<\/p>\n This tactic is part of China’s successful “Dual Strategy,” in which attractive infrastructure offers, gifts and loan projects must be rigidly separated from the maritime disputes. Considering all these points it is clear that China\u2019s strategy is to divide the ASEAN states.<\/p>\n As well, the “internal affairs” argument is clearly wrong. China’s claims also include the legal maritime territories of Malaysia, Brunei and Indonesia. This includes half of ASEAN\u2019s nations, more than half its territory, and more than half its population.<\/p>\n Clearly this is not an “internal” issue, by any stretch of the imagination.<\/p>\n How realistic is it to urge ASEAN to work for a unified front, when ASEAN has no real authority, no military, and the members have no unity?<\/p>\n The other option is for ASEAN to do nothing. Each member makes its own arrangement to fit into China\u2019s New World Order, and so far this has been the ASEAN practice. To be fair, ASEAN practice is to work for consensus. If there is no consensus inaction is the result.<\/p>\n However, doing nothing might not be as easy as it has been in the past. ASEAN officials have been “in the driver’s seat,” working for decades as equals with East Asia and world powers. More generally, with decades of peace and development, all ASEAN nations now have higher expectations. The next generation are aware of other options. In the current state of globalization the major changes have already happened. China’s “natural hegemony” scenario will roll back decades of development in international law and dispute settlement.<\/p>\n How can ASEAN work for unity? Social pressure can be applied to Cambodia to take a longer, wider view. Wider than the traditional game of playing off major powers against each other. The master of that game was Hun Sen’s predecessor Sihanouk. This only led to Pol Pot and the horrors of that period. The current Cambodian leader Hun Sen is playing the same game at an extreme level, and appears to be the model for Philippine president Duterte, who has cut many ties with the US in order to start the money and gifts flowing from China. But this game ultimately benefits the great powers, as history shows. It definitely delays ASEAN unity.<\/p>\n Myanmar and Laos have both had unhappy experiences in getting too close to China. They know the perils by now. Singapore, a model for ASEAN members, has also spoken out about the dangers of The Sea conflicts.<\/p>\n To continue the ongoing evolution of ASEAN unity, these things are needed:<\/p>\n *Note: The maps in this article have been adapted from a source whose ownership we are unable to identify. We thank the contribution of this source, and would appreciate info leading to its identification. We will request permission from the original source should the current issue be re-published.<\/p>\n Bibliography<\/strong> Bensurto, H. 2014. Legal Issues in the South China Sea, Center for Strategic and International Studies. \u201cPH-China Historic Right and the Historic Title Claim\u201d. https:\/\/www.youtube.com\/watch?v=SscQBrJbiN0<\/p>\n Hayton, B. 2012. The South China Sea: The Struggle for Power in Asia<\/em>. Yale UP.<\/p>\n Surin P. 2016. In \u201cViews from the Secretaries-General,\u201d ASEAN Focus<\/em>. Singapore: ISEAS Yusof Ishak Institute, p. 16.<\/p>\n Thayer, C. A. 2015. \u201cNo, China is Not Reclaiming Land in the South China Sea,\u201d \u00a0The Diplomat<\/em>. http:\/\/thediplomat.com\/2015\/06\/no-china-is-not-reclaiming-land-in-the-south-china-sea\/<\/p>\n Vanderklippe, N. 2016. \u201cChina\u2019s bad image hinders efforts to get world to speak its language,\u201d Globe and Mail<\/em>, Toronto. 8 July 2016. Pp. 1, 12.<\/p>\n Xinhua News Agency. 2017. \u201cChina hopes to complete drafting CoC framework with ASEAN before midyear.\u201d<\/p>\n Dr. Jim Placzek is an honorary associate at the Centre for Southeast Asia Research, Institute of Asian Research, at the University of British Columbia and currently teaches at Pridi Banomyong International College, Thammasat University, in Bangkok, Thailand.<\/strong><\/em><\/p>\n <\/a><\/p>\n The UBC Southeast Asia Graduate Student Network held an interdisciplinary graduate student conference on Southeast Asia from April 14 to 15, 2016 at the University of British Columbia (UBC) in Vancouver, Canada. Held in collaboration with the UBC Centre for Southeast Asian Research (CSEAR) in the UBC Institute of Asian Research (IAR), the conference was the first of its kind at UBC.<\/p>\n The conference provided an opportunity for participants to build networks and share perspectives and experiences with other specialists and graduate students who study Southeast Asia. (Check out the poster<\/a> and program<\/a> here.)<\/p>\n Professor Erik Martinez Kuhonta (Political Science, McGill University) was our keynote speaker and delivered a keynote Speech titled, “Is the Middle Class a Harbinger of Democracy? Evidence from Southeast Asia.”<\/p>\n Special thanks to our sponsors for their generous support: IAR, CSEAR, Liu Institute for Global Issues, St. John’s College, Consulate General of the Republic of Indonesia in Vancouver, and Consulate General of Malaysia in Vancouver.<\/p>\n The UBC Southeast Asia Graduate Student Network is a collective of UBC graduate students from different academic disciplines who are passionate about Southeast Asia. The network is based at the UBC Centre for Southeast Asia Research (CSEAR), and its activities including academic and social events are held in collaboration with the Institute of Asian Research (IAR). You can contact them\u00a0at csear.grad@gmail.com<\/a>.<\/strong><\/em><\/p>\n <\/a><\/p>\n Let me be frank. As a first-generation Canadian, like many Canadian-born millennials with immigrant parents, I’ve spent my childhood, teens and twenties identifying with the cultures of my parents’ backgrounds but knowing little about them. I\u2019d proudly identify myself by proclaiming “I’m Dutch-Indonesian, Scottish-English” \u2013 I had the rendang and yellow rice, a small amount of the Dutch language, and the family tartan to prove it.<\/p>\n Why did my Oma and Opa leave Indonesia? I had no idea. I was lucky to be born Canadian, I was told. It wouldn\u2019t be safe to live in Indonesia. They didn\u2019t like to talk about it. To me, it seemed silly to leave a literal tropical paradise for sprawling, untamed farm land in Maple Ridge, BC.<\/p>\n Their migration was always mired in mystery, and they exhibited behaviours I only came to understand through research with the Canada Indonesia Diaspora Society’s (CIDS) LANSIA oral history project.<\/p>\n CIDS is a relatively new community group based in Metro Vancouver that has been working towards making a positive contribution to the economic, social and cultural life of the Indonesian-Canadian community in Metro Vancouver and beyond. Vancouver is a home to a large Asian diaspora, including the Chinese, Japanese, Korean, Vietnamese, and Filipino.<\/p>\n The Vancouver culture contains many references to and elements of the Asian communities but the Indonesian community here has long felt that their stories of migration have not been told yet. Furthermore, while thinking about our roles in the community, we have realized the importance of understanding how our past shapes us and what has brought us here.<\/p>\n This is especially illuminating for first-generation kids like me, who aren’t really sure about the backgrounds they’re identifying with.<\/p>\n Encouraged by initial planning and consultation meetings with members of the Indonesian community, oral historians Ayu Ratih and Naomi Kawamura, as well as Dr. Abidin Kusno who was a faculty member at UBC at the time, CIDS launched the LANSIA (short for lanjut usia, meaning elders in Bahasa Indonesia) Oral History project in May 2016.<\/p>\n The project was partly funded by the Government of Canada\u2019s New Horizons for Seniors program and benefited from the support from project partners and dozens of volunteers who understood the importance of the project and shared their talent and energy generously. As part of the project, CIDS has held a number of community events to get to know them better and to provide an opportunity for them to talk about their needs in the community.<\/p>\n Seven interviewers spoke to 25 seniors who have shared their stories of migration for the project. In addition, New Westminster Museum has made available the story of two community members, which added to the richness of the stories gathered. The interviewees’ background was diverse reflecting the country they were born, Indonesia.<\/p>\n Our seniors included Dutch-Indonesians, Chinese-Indonesians, and pribumi who moved to Canada directly from Indonesia, via other European countries or other Canadian cities. Some were still actively working in their field, while some have retired. Their occupations ranged from research scientists, homemakers, and university professors to labourers, business people and school teachers.<\/p>\n We learned about their struggles to get to Canada, joy of living here in Vancouver, life full with growing families, and spouses and friends who have gone before them. We heard some stories with laughter and some through tears.<\/p>\n People who were previously silent about their often-traumatic migration journeys from decades ago opened up and bravely faced their post-traumatic stress to share their story. Their willingness to relive their history and heal, in turn, helped the later generations find empathy for their parents and grandparents.<\/p>\n In one situation, I was witness to a grandson interviewing his Indonesian-born grandparents, and listening with incredulity as their voices warbled with emotion. “Thank you for surviving that so I could be born here,” he told his Oma.<\/p>\n It\u2019s in those moments we saw the purpose of the project: to connect older generations with current ones, to make room for mutual understanding, and ultimately, collect a part of history before it’s lost.<\/p>\n The interviews recorded were more than 60 hours in length, and through the agonizing process of putting together the final exhibition, the project team created seven banners to highlight the major themes that emerged from the stories: Exodus, Survival, and ultimately, Success and Growth.<\/p>\n As we look at the beautifully designed banners standing together, we feel they represent a space and a starting point for the community to take our stories further, rather than a complete representation of everyone’s experience and an authority over the narrative. We were delighted that the 14 Interviewees who attended the final celebration and exhibition on March 25, 2017 \u2013 many brought their families and friends to see the exhibition \u2013 agreed with us on that point.<\/p>\n CIDS considers LANSIA to be one of its first major projects that serves as our springboard as we look to the future in shaping the directions of the organization. We are proud that LANSIA project was initiated by the community that wanted to tell their own stories. LANSIA project has made us aware of the diversity within our own community and allowed us bring to light the stories of our seniors that are often forgotten in the history of Canada.<\/p>\n The exhibition was\u00a0shown again during Vancouver Asian Heritage Month in May at Lipont Place in Richmond, BC. The official kick off for Vancouver Asian Heritage Month Society took\u00a0place on Saturday, April 22 at SFU Goldcorp in Vancouver.<\/p>\n The project was funded in part by Government of Canada, New Horizons for Seniors Program. CIDS is grateful for the project partners: Pacific Canada Heritage Centre \u2013 Museum of Migration Society, Centre for Southeast Asia Research at the University of British Columbia, and explorASIAN \u2013 Vancouver Asian Heritage Month Society.<\/p>\n The final exhibition was generously sponsored by the Consulate General of the Republic of Indonesia in Vancouver and designed by Nicomartine. For more information about LANSIA project, contact us at info@cids2015.org<\/a>.<\/p>\n Kristi Alexandra is a CIDS Board Member and a writer for Loose Lips Magazine and Curious Copy.<\/strong><\/em><\/p>\n <\/a><\/p>\n These reminiscences are as experienced by a pair of long-committed CCSEAS participants: I am writing also on behalf of my recently deceased and sorely missed spouse, Shuichi. We were deeply and happily in this together.<\/p>\n Our first exposure to Asian studies in Canada was in 1973, immediately following our return from Malaysia, where we had just spent three rich and rewarding years of lecturing at the University of Penang (now Universiti Sains Malaysia), and engaging in anthropological field research.<\/p>\n While Shuichi resumed in this new regional context earlier interests in indigenous populations (Orang<\/em> Asli<\/em>), I launched myself into Malay-Muslim society. I was occupied by issues of ethnicity, religious identity and heritage, and began a long and still continuing journey following developments in Malaysian and Indonesian Islam. During that period we first met Rodolphe de Koninck and his wife, Helene, who happened to be in Penang, engaged in research of their own at the time. We found university colleagues in common, and enjoyed after-hours fraternising in Penang\u2019s night markets (pasar malam<\/em>) together. We were to meet again in Canada, and cement our relationship as CCSEAS evolved, when Rodolphe became central to the “pole quebecois” and indeed of the entire association (as well as a life-long friend).<\/p>\n For Shuichi and me, the experience of our first professional conference on Asian studies in Canada was at a CASA (Canadian Asian Studies Association) meeting at McMaster University in 1973, our first conference following our return from Malaysia. At that point, we knew little about Asian studies or scholars in Canada, and it turned out to be something of a baptism by fire. The conference was memorable as much for the undercurrent of academic local politics and turf than the papers presented. At this time, looking back, it seems the would-be movers and shakers in Asian research were just beginning to sort themselves out into sub-regional allegiances, and jockeying for leadership and funding within the shared CASA orbit. We were instantly corralled Prof. Gordon Means of McMaster University, whose background was in mission studies in Malaysia and Sumatra and who clearly envisaged shaping a new Southeast Asian focus independent of CASA, while another cluster surrounded David Wurfel, whose work focused on agrarian politics in the Philippines and Vietnam.<\/p>\n Even before Shuichi and I understood the emerging history and traditions of CASA, we were sternly “advised” by Gordon to declare our identity and ensure we put our Southeast Asian affiliation first, even upbraiding us for having presumed to present papers on Malaysia at a CASA meeting. That was our introduction to an organisation which in some respects resembled Canada itself: a federal umbrella presiding over regional satellites, all competing for the common pot. CASA had ultimate control over the resources of itself and its three sub-groups: Canadian Associations of South, Southeast and East Asian Studies, under an unclear constitution by which we were all bound, while allowing us plenty of latitude to negotiate boundaries and assets. Although we were not in Canada when the preliminary framework was created, it appears that through the intervention of a bureaucrat, Charles Correa, in Ottawa, there was guaranteed financial provision and rules for all. Under the CASA secretariat, the presidency would rotate every two years between each regional organisation, along with access to the purse-strings of the budget. In a general way, this system has continued, although not without constitutional and financial challenges along the way. Academically and personally, inter-regional relations have been more cordial, and some collaborative conferences, particularly between Southeast and East Asian members have been a success. On occasion too, our conferences have been enriched by visiting scholars from Southeast Asia such as from Thailand and the Philippines Notable for their contributions were two professors from Malaysia\/Singapore: Dr Johan Saravanamuttu who was official Southeast Asia Visiting Professor to Canada, based in the University of Toronto in the late 1990s, and later, Dr Maznah Mohamad, who held the post two years later. Each tirelessly traversed the country wherever requested, to generously share their expertise and local knowledge including at CCSEAS conferences. Personally, they remain connected to the present.<\/p>\n To shore up my status as an authentic Southeast Asianist after our uncertain debut, I volunteered to hold one of the first CCSEAS conferences at York in 1976, on the theme of Development and Underdevelopment in Southeast Asia, where, among others, Singaporean foreign correspondent Chak-Yan Chang gave an address. Papers were offered by three of my own graduate students at the time, Razha Rashid from Malaysia, Joachim Voss and Vilia Jeffremovas, whose names remain among the stalwarts of CCSEAS today. We were launched. This was to be the first of four conferences to be held at York, culminating in the reunion of 2017.<\/p>\n After that, Shuichi and I were regulars at almost all CCSEAS meetings, which at the same time enabled us to visit almost every part of Canada. Meeting circuits were largely determined by a critical mass of Southeast Asian scholars, which in effect revolved around three main poles: the west coast, Ontario and Quebec (including Montr\u00e9al), but we also convened in other memorable places members might otherwise have never visited, including Wolfville, Thunder Bay, Saskatoon, Halifax, Edmonton. One enjoyably unforgettable CCSEAS gathering was hosted by the National University of Singapore in 1982, which put us firmly on the international map. And, unexpectedly, for our meeting at Acadia University, organised by Bruce Matthews (whose field covers religion and Myanmar), the CASA secretariat sponsored a visit and contributions by a team of Asian journalists, from Thailand, Hong Kong and Pakistan, whose time in Canada happened to coincide with our conference cycle. Beyond our shared focus on Southeast Asia, members bring a wide range of disciplinary perspectives\u2014geography, political science, history, religious studies, anthropology, arts, environmental studies, journalism\u2014to “our” area, a range which often presents a “casse-t\u00eate” to those who must design conference programmes and panels.<\/p>\n Unquestionably, CCSEAS is distinctive and made more exciting by its large contingent of Quebecois colleagues and a commitment to bilingual membership and events. This has added immeasurably to the culture and character of the organisation, as well as enhancing its reputation for a creative mixing of scholarship with fun. On Saturday nights, the dance is de rigueur. Indeed, as I can testify, many first or closer personal introductions outside a panel have been made on the dance floor, beyond the limits of language or local politics. The Quebec cohort, has been heavily alimente by the students of De Koninck’s Laval geography programme, now into its second (third?) generation, as well as the circles around Dominique Caouette in Montreal. Many of these students are now tenured colleagues across Canada. One of our most memorable conferences was at Universite Laval in 1995, a few days preceding the planned referendum later in the month over Quebec’s future vis-\u00e0-vis le Canada. For the anglophone and allophone delegates, conversation about Southeast Asia was a particularly welcome diversion from local politics, and a sure means to manage delicate political sensibilities among friends. But the conference was a success, we profited from the company of some scholars from France, and everyone enjoyed the ambiance of Quebec City, which was happily preparing for le Hallowe’en, and of course, we danced!<\/p>\n Meanwhile, some of our founding CCSEAS members from the west coast have remained anchors and frequent hosts of our fellowship. Terry McGee and Stephen Milne led the pack, along with their own students and followers, and with the support of the Asian Institute in Vancouver. Finally, a third and subsequent Southeast Asian pole has now developed in Ontario, focused largely on Toronto, McMaster and Ottawa, where a Southeast Asian critical mass is deeply embedded in York and the University of Toronto.<\/p>\n Allons tous boire un bon coup\u2014to a long future for the CCSEAS! And maybe a dance\u2026 as well…<\/p>\n Judith & Shuichi Nagata<\/strong><\/p>\n Judith Nagata is Professor Emerita of York University. With our deepest condolences on the recent passing of Shuichi Nagata. <\/a><\/p>\n (Le fran\u00e7ais suit)<\/p>\n The 33rd Biennial CCSEAS conference theme\u2014’People In and Out of Place’\u2014represents a long standing and yet often forgotten dynamic of a region known as the crossroads of different peoples, histories, cultures and politics. The conference will take place 27-28 October 2017 at York University and is hosted by the York Centre for Asian Research. For more information, visit www.ccseas.ca<\/a> or email ccseas@yorku.ca.<\/p>\n Early Bird Registration ends 30 June 2017<\/strong> Le th\u00e8me du 33e colloque biennal du CCEASE\u2014\u00ab Personnes, appartenances et exclusions\u00a0\u00bb\u2014illustre une dynamique de longue date, mais pourtant souvent oubli\u00e9e, d’une r\u00e9gion au carrefour de peuples, histoires, cultures et syst\u00e8mes politiques vari\u00e9s.\u00a0Les activit\u00e9s du colloque 2017 se d\u00e9rouleront du 27 au 28 octobre\u00a02017 dans les locaux de \u00e0 l’Universit\u00e9 York. Le colloque 2017 y sera accueilli par le\u00a0York Centre for Asian Research (YCAR).\u00a0Pour plus d’information, visitez le site Internet du CCEASE au www.ccseas.ca<\/a>.\u00a0Contactez nous: ccseas@yorku.ca.<\/p>\n Inscriptions anticip\u00e9es: 30 juin 2017<\/strong><\/b> <\/a><\/p>\n CCSEAS has just launched the new website: www.ccseas.ca<\/a>. Drop in for a visit and let us know what you think.![\"Adobe_PDF_file_icon_32x32\"](\"https:\/\/ccseas-ccease.apps01.yorku.ca\/wp-content\/uploads\/2017\/10\/adobe_pdf_file_icon_32x32.png\"){kind=icon}
\u00a0Click here to download the PDF version.<\/a><\/p>\nTable of Contents<\/h1>\n
Words of Welcome<\/h2>\n
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Reports from the Field<\/h2>\n
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Updates from\u00a0CCSEAS Scholars and Students<\/h2>\n
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Community\u00a0Engagement<\/h2>\n
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CCSEAS In Time<\/h2>\n
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Announcement<\/h2>\n
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Acknowledgement<\/h2>\n
\nWords of Welcome<\/h2>\n
“Our Time”<\/h3>\n
By Dr. Abidin Kusno, CCSEAS President (2015-2017)<\/em><\/h4>\n
![](\"https:\/\/gallery.mailchimp.com\/b157875003a23c007045dff3e\/images\/260d0cb8-467c-401b-8ab9-3bb0db0f9870.jpg\")
![\"CCSEAS_conf_hist_chart\"](\"https:\/\/ccseas-ccease.apps01.yorku.ca\/wp-content\/uploads\/2017\/05\/ccseas_conf_hist_chart.jpeg\")
\n“Encounters and passages”: From Montreal to Ottawa and to Toronto<\/h3>\n
by Dr. Dominique Caouette, CASA (Canadian Asian Studies Association) Acting President, CCSEAS Past President (2011-2013); Clara Boulianne-Lagac\u00e9 and St\u00e9phanie Martel (2013 Conference Co-organizers)<\/em><\/h4>\n
![](\"https:\/\/gallery.mailchimp.com\/b157875003a23c007045dff3e\/images\/623af003-3f8f-42b2-82f5-f5476df71481.jpg\")
\nAlmost four years passed since the biennial\u00a0CCSEAS conference that took place at the Universit\u00e9 de Montr\u00e9al on October 17-19, 2013. This 31st edition offered a wide overview of Southeast Asian studies and was an opportunity to welcome colleagues and students not only from Canada but also from Southeast Asia, the US and Europe.<\/p>\n\u00ab\u00a0Passages et rencontres\u00a0\u00bb\u00a0: De Montr\u00e9al \u00e0 Ottawa\u00a0et maintenant \u00e0 Toronto<\/h3>\n
par Dominique Caouette, pr\u00e9sident du\u00a0Association Canadienne des \u00c9tudes Asiatiques, pr\u00e9sident du CCEASE (2011-2013); Clara Boulianne-Lagac\u00e9 et St\u00e9phanie Martel, Co-responsables de l\u2019organisation du colloque<\/em><\/h4>\n
<\/p>\n
\nReports from the Field<\/h2>\n
“Buy Today Eat Today”: Infrastructures of Food Waste Prevention<\/h3>\n
by Tammara Soma (University of Toronto)<\/h4>\n
![\"Mr.](\"https:\/\/ccseas-ccease.apps01.yorku.ca\/wp-content\/uploads\/2017\/05\/tammarasoma1-1.png\")
\nMother:<\/strong> Hmm I\u2019m thinking spinach soup. Do you have anything good?
\nVendor:<\/strong> This is really fresh, it\u2019s 5000 Rupiah for this bunch.
\nMother:<\/strong> Ok, I\u2019ll just get two. How about this corn, is it sweet?
\nVendor:<\/strong> Yes, how about you pair it with this tempeh<\/em>. It\u2019s a good combination.
\nMother:<\/strong> Nah, I had tempeh<\/em> yesterday. I\u2019ll just grab a small bag of the potatoes. I\u2019m going to make perkedel kentang<\/em> (potato croquets). Can you bring me a nice cut of beef tomorrow, all cleaned and cut? I want to make semur<\/em> (beef stew).
\nVendor:<\/strong> Sure. See you tomorrow!<\/p>\n![\"Mobile](\"https:\/\/ccseas-ccease.apps01.yorku.ca\/wp-content\/uploads\/2017\/05\/tammarasoma21-1.png\")
\nI:<\/strong> thrown out?
\nJ:<\/strong> bad but they go when the new ones come in.
\nI:<\/strong> why is that?
\nJ:<\/strong> well they didn\u2019t get used and I am definitely not going to use them if there is a newer pack that I could, um, need to use before that starts getting old.<\/p>\n
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\nEvans, D. (2011). Blaming the consumer-once again: the social and material contexts of everyday food waste practices in some English households. Critical Public Health<\/em> 21: 429-440.<\/p>\n
\nHow Effective are International Development Agencies in the Protection, Conservation and Presentation of Cambodian Heritage Places?<\/h3>\n
by Sarah Youngblutt (Leiden University)<\/h4>\n
![\"\"](\"https:\/\/ccseas-ccease.apps01.yorku.ca\/wp-content\/uploads\/2017\/05\/sarah.png\")
\nThe Retail Hub with the Death Penalty<\/h3>\n
by Zachariah Su (McGill University)<\/h4>\n
\nD’initiative citoyenne \u00e0 entreprise sociale : l’\u00e9mergence de la gestion coop\u00e9rative \u00e0 Hano\u00ef, Vietnam<\/h3>\n
par Val\u00e9rie Fortin (Universit\u00e9 de Montr\u00e9al)<\/h4>\n
L\u2019initiative d\u2019autogestion d\u2019une communaut\u00e9 solidaire<\/h4>\n
La diffusion d\u2019un nouveau mod\u00e8le de gestion \u00e0 travers Hano\u00ef<\/h4>\n
![\"\"](\"https:\/\/ccseas-ccease.apps01.yorku.ca\/wp-content\/uploads\/2017\/05\/the-17t-10-building-food-vendors.jpg?w=300\")
![\"\"](\"https:\/\/ccseas-ccease.apps01.yorku.ca\/wp-content\/uploads\/2017\/05\/the-17t-10-building-parking-and-garage.jpg?w=300\")
![\"\"](\"https:\/\/ccseas-ccease.apps01.yorku.ca\/wp-content\/uploads\/2017\/05\/vietnam-habitat-in-evolution.jpg?w=300\")
<\/p>\n![\"\"](\"https:\/\/ccseas-ccease.apps01.yorku.ca\/wp-content\/uploads\/2017\/05\/the-17t-10-building-neighbourhood.jpg?w=300\")
\u00a0![\"\"](\"https:\/\/ccseas-ccease.apps01.yorku.ca\/wp-content\/uploads\/2017\/05\/the-17t-10-building.jpg?w=300\")
<\/p>\n
\nThink Playgrounds: L’urbanisme Do It Yourself au service de la transformation des politiques urbaines au Vietnam<\/h3>\n
par Jules Laurent-Allard (Universit\u00e9 de Montr\u00e9al)<\/h4>\n
\n
\nBatley, R. (1993). Political control of urban planning and management. Managing fast growing cities. New approaches to urban planning and management in the developing world<\/em>, edited by Nick Devas and Carole Rakodi. Harlow, England, Longman Scientific and Technical, 176-206.<\/p>\n
\nUpdates from CCSEAS Scholars and Students<\/h2>\n
Activism and Academic Research in Southeast Asia – YCAR workshop at AAS<\/h3>\n
by Dr. Philip Kelly (York University)<\/h4>\n
![\"Workshop](\"https:\/\/ccseas-ccease.apps01.yorku.ca\/wp-content\/uploads\/2017\/05\/philipkelly1-1.png\")
\nThe South China Sea Disputes: Implications for ASEAN<\/h3>\n
by Dr. Jim Placzek (Thammasat University)<\/h4>\n
Introduction<\/h4>\n
Sea Change 2015<\/h4>\n
![\"Left:](\"https:\/\/ccseas-ccease.apps01.yorku.ca\/wp-content\/uploads\/2017\/05\/placzek-1.png\")
China’s ongoing strategies<\/h4>\n
Options for ASEAN<\/h4>\n
Conclusion<\/h4>\n
\n
\n
\nArase, D. 2015. \u201cStrategic Rivalry in the South China Sea: How Can Southeast Asian Claimant States Shape a Beneficial Outcome?\u201d ISEAS Perspectives<\/em> No. 57. Singapore.<\/p>\n
\ncSEARching for Southeast Asia: Inaugural Graduate Student Conference for Southeast Asia Research at the University of British Columbia, April 14-15, 2016<\/h3>\n
by UBC Southeast Asia Graduate Student Network<\/h4>\n
![\"Minutes](\"https:\/\/ccseas-ccease.apps01.yorku.ca\/wp-content\/uploads\/2017\/05\/ubc-1.png\")
![\"Everyone](\"https:\/\/ccseas-ccease.apps01.yorku.ca\/wp-content\/uploads\/2017\/05\/ubc2-1.png\")
\nCommunity\u00a0Engagement<\/h2>\n
Preserving Migration Histories for Future Generations<\/h3>\n
by Kristi Alexandra (LANSIA Oral History Project Coordinator) with notes from Kilim Park<\/h4>\n
\nCCSEAS In Time<\/h2>\n
CCSEAS from 2017 Backwards: Memories of a Forty-Year Relationship<\/h3>\n
By Dr. Judith Nagata (York University)<\/h4>\n
\n<\/strong><\/em><\/p>\n
\nAnnouncement<\/h2>\n
2017 Canadian Council for Southeast Asian Studies (CCSEAS) Conference: People In and Out of Place<\/h3>\n
![\"CCSEAS-Ottawa_letter-v2\"](\"https:\/\/ccseas-ccease.apps01.yorku.ca\/wp-content\/uploads\/2017\/05\/ccseas-ottawa_letter-v2.jpg?w=236\")
Registration is now open! Click here to register<\/a>.<\/p>\n
\nRegular Registration ends 15 August 2017<\/strong><\/p>\nLe colloque du Conseil canadien des \u00e9tudes sur l’Asie du Sud-Est, 2017:\u00a0Personnes,<\/b> appartenances<\/b> et exclusions<\/b><\/h3>\n
Les inscriptions sont ouvertes ! Cliquez ici pour vous inscrire<\/a>.<\/p>\n
\nInscriptions g\u00e9n\u00e9rales: 15 ao\u00fbt 2017<\/strong><\/b><\/p>\n
\nNew CCSEAS Website<\/h3>\n
\n<\/a><\/p>\n
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![poster<\/a> and](\"http:\/\/csear.sites.olt.ubc.ca\/files\/2016\/06\/CSEAR_poster_FA_WEB.jpg\"){kind=link}